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8002 II- Mathematical Foundations of Risk(R) Measurement

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: 132 real Questions

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Datebook: Mi Kafchin explores the unreal in new artwork at Nicodim | real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

New exhibitions at OCMA expand. while their new Thom Mayne-design constructing is below construction in Costa Mesa, the Orange County Museum of artwork has been occupying a brief website inside an historical furniture showroom near South Coast Plaza, and that i seriously dig. (more museums in convenient-to-access bare malls, please.) for their circular of exhibitions they're inserting on a train of installations by using Diego Berruecos, York Chang, Victoria Fu, Matt prosperous, Fritzia Irizar, UuDam Tran Nguyen and Hiromi Takizawa that paw on issues of handle, power, actuality and fact. via Sept. 1. South Coast Plaza Village, 1661 W. Sunflower Ave., Costa Mesa, ocma.internet.

UC San Diego Electrical Engineer Massimo Franceschetti Named a 2019 Guggenheim Fellow | real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

Massimo Franceschetti, a professor of Electrical and computer Engineering at the tuition of California San Diego, has been awarded a 2019 Guggenheim Fellowship. The fellowship is awarded with the aid of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial foundation to individuals who hold validated first-rate skill for productive scholarship. Franceschetti changed into the only fellow nominated this year within the class of natural Sciences: Engineering.

Prof. Franceschetti’s toil makes a speciality of the mathematical foundations of engineering systems, with applications to networks, manage, computation, conversation, and sensing.

His latest analysis is at the intersection of electromagnetic and guidance theories. The leading purpose of this toil is to ascertain the fundamental limits of communique and sensing by using merging the thought of guidance with the physical features of the wave propagation technique. This approach is described in his fresh ebook entitled Wave concept of tips, posted by using Cambridge school press in 2018, and it's at the basis of what he plans to pursue below the Guggenheim award.


Massimo Franceschetti

youngsters generally theoretical, this toil has functions in a huge ambit of areas including communications, leading to a much better understanding of the bounds of big multi-antenna programs and extreme frequency communications; faraway sensing, resulting in a more robust figuring out of vivid resolution limits; and safeguard-critical networked control programs, together with autonomous navigation and robotic techniques.

Francescetti spoke of that the $50,000 award “will supply me the liberty to pursue analysis that would be in any other case problematic to accomplish in the context a measure grant-funded initiatives or other consulting actions. it's going to additionally allow me to Go back and forth more extensively to pursue collaborations and give lectures in different associations.”

“Congratulations Massimo Franceschetti,” pointed out Albert P. Pisano, Dean of the UC San Diego Jacobs school of Engineering. “A Guggenheim Fellowship is an incredible honor, and a grotesque focus of Massimo’s competence for abysmal thinking, creativity, technical excellence, and true-world relevance.”

Some stale UC San Diego recipients within the scientific categories consist of: mathematician Kiran Kedlaya (2014), desktop scientist Russell Impagliazzo (2004), mathematician Ruth Williams (2001) and physicist Terence Hwa (1999). In Electrical Engineering at UC San Diego, Franceschetti is the primary to be awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship given that the late prof. Jack okay. Wolf in 1979.

At UC San Diego, Franceschetti is a school member of the core for wireless Communications and the middle for tips theory and applications and a analysis affiliate of the Qualcomm Institute, which is the UC San Diego division of the California Institute of Telecommunication and recommendation applied sciences.

research Highlights

Franceschetti’s contributions to the concept of wave propagation and dissimilar scattering were recognized by using the S.A. Schelkunoff Transactions prize paper award from the Antennas and Propagation society of the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE).  

His toil on stochastic geometry and random graphs for the evaluation and design of instant networks changed into recognized by using the IEEE Communications society ultimate tutorial paper award; whereas his toil at the intersection of ply and communication turned into recognized by using the Ruberti puerile researcher prize of the IEEE ply thought Society, awarded for “contributions in actual and tips-based foundation of networked ply and conversation techniques.”

Franceschetti co-authored a publication on random networks for communique, which became posted in 2007 via Cambridge university press, and changed into elected Fellow of the IEEE in 2018 for “contributions to random instant networks.” He besides received a country wide Science groundwork profession award in 2006 and an workplace of Naval analysis puerile Investigator award in 2007.

a few of his coincident research pursuits encompass the study of dynamical programs of agents interacting over networks, used to mannequin social interactions between individuals as interacting particle programs. In two papers (one / two) co-authored with certainly one of his graduate college students he gave rigorous options for the two-dimensional version of a model of social segregation at the start delivered by Nobel laureate Thomas Schelling in 1969.

He also studied the spreading of feelings in on-line social networks through inspecting information from hundreds of thousands of clients in a collaborative project with facebook. results from this big facts exertion had been posted in two papers which got appreciable consideration within the media (BBC, NBC, Wall street Journal). In contrast to outdated reports the spot researchers secretly modified information feeds of some users to be able to resolve their response, this resolve was in keeping with a novel, non-invasive approach that changed into transparent to the users.

Biographical guidance

Franceschetti bought most of his undergraduate training in Italy, where he attended the Electrical and desktop Engineering program of university Federico II of Naples, Italy, with a 12 months stint in Scotland, at tuition of Edinburgh, the spot he took classes in the computing device Science offshoot as a fragment of a european change application.

He graduated from school Federico II of Naples in 1997, after which moved to the us to attend graduate faculty on the California Institute of technology. There, he received a M.Sc. in 1999 and a PhD in 2003 in Electrical Engineering. while at Caltech, his distinctions protected receiving the Walker von Brimer award for awesome analysis initiative in 2000, and the C. H. Wiltz prize for top-rated PhD thesis in Electrical Engineering in 2003.

Upon departure from Caltech, he spent two years at the college of California at Berkeley as a postdoctoral pupil in the department of Electrical Engineering and laptop Science, and then joined the college of the UC San Diego Jacobs faculty of Engineering, within the department of Electrical and computer Engineering.

during his profession, he besides held travelling positions on the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands, the Ecole polytechnique federale de Lausanne, Switzerland, and the university of Trento, Italy.

UC San Diego’s Studio Ten 300 offers radio and tv connections for media interviews with their school. For extra assistance, e-mail .(JavaScript should be enabled to view this e mail tackle).

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II- Mathematical Foundations of Risk(R) Measurement

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Susan Athey is the Economics of Technology Professor at Stanford Graduate School of Business.  She received her bachelor's degree from Duke University and her PhD from Stanford, and she holds an honorary doctorate from Duke University. She previously taught at the economics departments at MIT, Stanford and Harvard. Her current research focuses on the economics of digitization, marketplace design, and the intersection of econometrics and machine learning. She has worked on several application areas, including timber auctions, internet search, online advertising, the word media, and virtual currency. As one of the first "tech economists," she served as consulting chief economist for Microsoft Corporation for six years, and now serves on the boards of Expedia, Rover, and Ripple.  She besides serves as a long-term advisor to the British Columbia Ministry of Forests, helping architect and implement their auction-based pricing system.

Inside the Political Fight Over How to ply California's Housing crossroad | real questions and Pass4sure dumps

New townhouses under construction in California.

New townhouses under construction in California.

In a hearing play in California's capitol recently, state Senator Scott Wiener described a widespread housing crossroad in stark terms. California is short about 3.5 million homes, he said, citing a McKinsey report that projected housing claim by 2025. Buying a home at the Golden State's median price—over half a million dollars—is a fantasy for most households. Rents are soaring, homelessness is up, and displacement is refacing storied neighborhoods.

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"Red or blue, everyone of their communities are struggling," Wiener told an audience of lobbyists, citizens, and members of the state senate housing committee, who would later hold their instruct about how to address the housing crisis.

As they spoke, the painted figures in a Depression-era mural depicting the state's romanticized origins looked on. Flanked by a missionary, a prospector, a frontiersman, and a indigenous Californian, Calafia, the Amazon goddess from whom the state supposedly gets its name, graced its spectacular and varied terrain. In the foreground, a white working-class couple, child in arms, surveyed their land of promise.

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As the hearing made clear, rarely has California's mythic chronicle of opportunity seemed further from reality. From Sonoma to San Diego, the state faces a massive affordability crisis; across the political gradient, few residents disagree on that, even if they don't survey eye to eye on how to solve it. Investment in below-market-rate housing? Stronger tenant protections? Better city planning? They're everyone fragment of the solution, Wiener said. But what California fundamentally lacks is adequate housing supply, he said, and it needs to rip down needless barriers to market-rate construction.

That's the intention behind Wiener's Senate Bill 50, which proposes to rewrite the laws that hold blocked high-volume housing construction. relish its predecessor SB 827, the transit-oriented housing bill that captured national attention last year, SB 50 faces vigorous opposition from many angles. But it cleared its first legislative hurdle recently when it passed that housing committee (which Wiener leads) with a bipartisan 9–1 vote.

The bill would set an unprecedented state measure for residential zoning codes in inescapable corners of California. Currently, it is illegal to build anything but unique dwellings designed for unique families, sometimes with an in-law unit, in roughly 80 percent of California's residential neighborhoods. SB 50 would change those laws in areas that are near high-frequency transit lines, job clusters, and advantageous schools, prying open opportunities for developers to build to taller heights, with more units per square foot.

It's a solution to what is, in one respect, a geometry problem. Cities that cling to their coveted coastlines can expand outwardly only so far, and even in huge metros relish Los Angeles and the Bay Area, the participate of land that's zoned for single-family housing is silent about 70 percent. Governor Gavin Newsom has pledged to meet that 3.5 million-unit gap by 2025. But University of California–Los Angeles urban policy experts recently showed that zoning constraints avert cities and counties from structure more than 2.8 million new homes. "If you're prohibited to build enough housing, then you're sort of stuck," Wiener said.

Unfortunately, however, the housing crossroad isn't just about the math. These politics probe abysmal into fundamental emotional concepts about ownership, sovereignty, and identity. A diverse coalesce of Californians—from the richest suburbs in the country, to rent-strained neighborhoods fighting gentrification and displacement, to struggling towns from the vast farming region—have arranged themselves on either side of the bill, which has tapped a powerful strain of worry about who should live in this state, and how.

For its opponents, SB 50 functions as a Rorschach test that reveals the "real" housing crisis. At Tuesday's hearing, a parade of naysayers had their instant at the mic.

"This is about destroying suburban, one-home-per-lot neighborhoods ... this is discrimination," said Karen Klinger, a Sacramento real estate broker.

Jason Rhine, a legislative director with the League of California Cities, had another concern: He complained that the legislation would undermine local plans to extend housing supplies. "You disclose us to plan, you ratify their plan, and now the rules are going to be changed without additional input," he said.

Rene Christian Moya, the director of Housing Is a Human Right, led a group of low-income tenant-activists from L.A. and Oakland to testify at the hearing about their key objection: the awe that SB 50 would bring rent hikes and displacement. "We contest vigorously that trickle-down housing is the artery to build," he said. (His organization is a subsidiary of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the global health-care and advocacy non-profit that’s become a device for fighting density measures in Southern California.)

SB 50 is already further along than its predecessor, SB 827, ever got. That bill's premature demise (it didn't pellucid its first hearing) was largely due to the concerns of low-income community advocates, who justly saw transit-adjacent upzoning as a gentrification accelerator. It's difficult to parse the exact reasons why people leave their neighborhoods, but rising rents are indisputably driving some poorer Californians out of their longtime neighborhoods. Highly visible examples can be establish in the Mission in San Francisco, and Boyle Heights in L.A.

SB 50 contains a number of new provisions that address those criticisms. That includes a five-year carve-out for "sensitive communities" that could be at risk of displacement, which the bill is leaving up to local planners and advocates to define. It boasts stronger provisions for inclusionary requirements, and it excludes properties that hold long had tenants live in them or hold been recently matter to evictions. It besides targets neighborhoods that are moneyed in jobs and distinguished schools, in addition to transit-adjacent ones, for higher-density allowances. That way, desirable communities that hold long been immune to new evolution pressure—high-income, high-opportunity, and zoned to be exclusionary—would hold to step up too.

Wiener has drawn a broader coalition behind SB 50 than he was able to accomplish for its predecessor. Supporters embrace AARP, the California Labor Federation, the California Association of Realtors, CalPIRG, the Natural Resources Defense Council, Habitat for Humanity, objective Housing Advocates of Northern California, the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, the BART Board of Directors, and the mayors of San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Stockton, and Sacramento. Three-quarters of residents in San Francisco—where housing affordability is the top civic concern, polls show—support SB 50, according to a survey by the SF Chamber of Commerce.

But some tenant advocacy groups and community justice organizations silent awe that SB 50 could toss fuel on the fire of urban displacement. And although this draft goes further to establish affordability standards to get certain that new projects are mixed income, its focus is silent principally on structure market-rate apartments. That doesn't slice it for very low-income Californians, Moya said, who are struggling the most to hang on to homes. He's a indigenous of the gentrifying, historically Latino neighborhood of Highland Park in Los Angeles, where median home prices hold more than doubled since 2012. Moya has experienced housing insecurity himself, he said: "This is personal for me."

Other advocates awe that the state government pre-empting community control over zoning and planning—long authorities vested at the local level—would set a Dangerous precedent, particularly for vulnerable populations who've been left out of planning processes in the past. "Sensitive communities" might besides be too narrowly defined by the bill's language so far, instruct dozens of prominent low-income housing developers, social justice advocates, and anti-poverty legal groups from around the state who sent a long missive of concerns to Wiener's office last month. "SB 50 must accurately identify everyone sensitive communities and preserve meaningful self-determination in those communities so that they can contrivance for an inclusive future," that missive states.

But California housing politics creates deviant bedfellows. Probably the loudest voices of dissent against SB 50 privilege now are affluent homeowners who worry that it will bulldoze local control over housing allowances and imperil "historic character"—traditional concerns of Not in My Backyard adherents. Groups relish Livable California, founded last year by Marin anti-growth activist Susan Kirsch (who recently told Palo Alto Weekly that she prefers to the milder word "problem" to "crisis" when it comes to housing), hold establish footing up and down the state. In late March, a few dozen homeowners—mostly white, mostly older—gathered outside a church in downtown San Luis Obispo, where scarcely any structure stands higher than two stories, to protest Wiener's appearance at a housing peak organized by the local chamber of commerce. (I was besides on the panel.) They raised signs, passed out Livable California literature, and chanted anti-SB 50 slogans. Sample couplet: "Density is not the way!/Where is the parking, who will pay?"

"We just want to preserve their quality of life," said Allen Cooper, the secretary of reclaim Their Downtown, an anti-density preservation group in San Luis Obispo. "And fragment of that is they don't want seven-story buildings looming over their houses."

That's not what SB 50 would do; it would raise height limits gradually, relative on the codes already on the books. Nevertheless, S.O.D.'s members connect with opponents in affluent communities and their elected leaders from Marin County to Redondo Beach to Sherman Oaks (my own childhood neighborhood in L.A.'s San Fernando Valley).

Up in the Bay Area, Cupertino Mayor Steve Scharf recently joked that the city planned to build a wall around itself to tame congestion problems and would coerce San Jose to pay for it. In his city, the median cost for a single-family home is more than $2 million, unaffordable even to well-paid Apple software engineers. Yet it failed to require that Apple build any new housing when it approved the tech giant's $1 billion, 10,000-worker new headquarters. In nearby Palo Alto, Mayor Eric Filseth railed against the bill in his recent state-of-the-city speech, complaining that targeting zoning codes would fail to hold huge employers accountable for their role in the housing crunch. That's true, but SB 50 wouldn't override local housing elements that Go above and beyond it.

John Mirisch, the vice mayor of Beverly Hills, besides used a recent address as an anti-SB 50 tirade, likening pro-housing legislators to Haman, a villain from the Jewish holiday of Purim, who attempted to destroy off the Jews. He besides referred to apartment buildings as "slums," and encouraged everyone to live in single-family homes. (Median home cost in Beverly Hills, the vast majority of which is zoned for single-family homes: $3.5 million.)

These pricey enclaves aren't wrong to survey themselves in the bullseye of SB 50. "We are targeting places relish Beverly Hills that hold shirked their responsibly to contribute to fixing this crisis," said Laura Foote, the executive director of YIMBY Action, a pro-housing advocacy group. "We are targeting places relish Cupertino, which hold added a lot of jobs and not a lot of housing."

Considering the root of their respective concerns, it makes sense that low-income tenants rights groups concerned with displacement, and the representatives of the wealthiest neighborhoods in California, would be in the anti-SB 50 boat together. Fights against displacement in gentrifying areas generally betide in neighborhoods where it is already possible to build new, multi-family housing units with higher rents than existing tenants can afford—which is to say, in the few neighborhoods in California where that's allowed.

Part of the understanding anti-gentrification battles erupt in neighborhoods relish Highland Park or the Mission is that single-family zoning codes hold fiercely guarded against higher-density construction in most other surrounding neighborhoods. Homeowners in affluent neighborhoods, meanwhile, can exert disproportionate influence on the local zoning and evolution approval processes that effectively resolve which communities are subjected to neighborhood change. "All of this is a legacy of the fact that you can build multi-family housing on only a few sites," said Sonja Trauss, the co-executive director of the California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund.

SB 50 seeks to upend that legacy by alleviating pressure on the most sensitive areas, opening up evolution in the areas where exclusionary zoning hold establish up the highest barriers to opportunity. It would rewrite the codes that hold protected more suburban-style communities from physical changes to their composition, physical or demographic. "Homeowners generally benefit from scarcity," said Michael Lens, a professor of urban policy at UCLA. "So pulling some of the zoning powers away from cities seems relish something to deem to reduce those negative incentives."

The drive down from San Francisco to Silicon Valley offers a visual lesson in why evolution pressures are so intensely concentrated in the few parts of the Bay locality where multi-unit housing is allowed. On the highway, the city quickly gives artery to vast tracts of carefully preserved green fields and tiled-roof suburban sprawl that is nearly indistinguishable from the generally more politically conservative Orange and San Diego counties, hundreds of miles to the south.

The long, leafy, suburban peninsula holds many of the wealthiest zip codes in the United States, and yet is the country's poster child for the extreme cost burdens created by extreme housing scarcity. It's where county bus drivers are forced to sleep in their cars at night, and where proposals to house public school teachers spark online fundraisers to desist them by homeowners who are "distraught and concerned."

Around here, residents view at SB 50 much relish an incoming meteor. Silicon Valley's Atherton, for example, is the very richest zip code in America, and is 100 percent zoned for single-family residential. It's home to moguls relish Sheryl Sandberg, Eric Schmidt, and Meg Whitman. It lost its weekday Caltrain commuter rail service in 2005, much to the chagrin of some residents with jobs in San Francisco or San Jose. But earlier this year, the local rail committee debated whether to petition to cancel its Caltrain service entirely, in case SB 50 might hold upzoned the locality around its historic train stop. In Atherton, some commuters apparently prefer to reserve slogging through congestion than risk an incursion of apartment renters.

Concerns among social justice advocates about SB 50 are genuine and legitimate. Hardly everyone Californians who are vulnerable to rising rents and evolution pressures live in hotly contested urban neighborhoods. assume Vallejo, California, a silent relatively affordable north Bay locality city and one of the most ethnically mixed places in the state. It has corridors moneyed in transit and jobs that could be upzoned under SB 50, potentially paving the artery for more development, higher rents, and a more affluent demographic mix. "Some of the most diverse communities in California are made up of suburban-style, single-family homes," said Michael Storper, a scholar of regional economics at UCLA who's been a critic of the bill. It will assume heedful decision-making to determine what counts as a sensitive community, and eligible to protections from the new evolution that SB 50 is designed to accelerate.

But emerging analyses are suggesting that developers would be more likely to capitalize on new opportunities in wealthier neighborhoods anyway. A view at the potential effects of SB 50 in the Bay locality by the University of California–Berkeley researchers expose developers are more likely to profit from structure in well-heeled Menlo Park than poorer Fruitvale, for example. And many constraints would silent stand in the artery of new construction, including behind permitting processes, local rezoning, and the sheer expense of structure something new in California.

Still, it is worth considering what would betide to the people in areas more likely to be affected. High-income neighborhoods near advantageous transit, jobs, and schools could survey higher densities permitted in their neighborhoods. But that doesn't denote leafy blocks of low-slung Craftsmans would be bulldozed overnight and transformed into looming mini-Manhattans. Available properties could be built, or rebuilt, to moderately taller heights. "SB 50 could thus result in a more gradual densification of housing in transit-rich neighborhoods, as underutilized sites become buildings with 10-20 units," the Berkeley analysis found. The outcome that many anti-SB 50 activists dread is that their neighbors would elect to cash in, selling their houses to a developer who wanted to accomplish that. "That sounds relish an opportunity, not a threat," Foote said.

It's not difficult to understand why homeowners are so sensitive to SB 50 messing with the formula of California living. This is the spot that took the post-war suburban plight to its apotheosis. As population boomed in the 30 years after World War II, the state built approximately six million housing units. More than 3.5 million of them were single-family homes. These were the houses and backyards and station-wagon-filled driveways that Americans saw on television every night in the 1960s and ‘70s; they represented the sun-kissed Golden Dream that lured so many millions of newcomers. To revive that promise, California now has to change its physical shape, and change is never light for incumbents who've benefited. People are entitled to want to survey their blue skies.

But the Golden Dream was never for everyone. Families with lower incomes and families of color were locked out of California's suburban prosperity by illegal and legal forms of discrimination—including the zoning codes that were pioneered here. A 1885 ban on washhouses (and the Chinese immigrants who mostly used them) from parts of Modesto is considered the first loyal zoning ordinance in the U.S. In 1925, the California Supreme Court upheld one of the country's earliest cases fighting for the "police power" of cities to allow single-family homes in inescapable areas and tenements in others. These practices were derived from explicitly racist attempts to segregate whites and non-whites. And as residential zoning evolved, stated rationales were rarely rational. Here's how the judges in the 1925 case glorified the single-family home, and everyone that it represented:

The establishment of [single family] districts is for the common welfare because it tends to promote and perpetuate the American home.... The character and quality of manhood and womanhood are in a big measure the result of home environment. The home and its intrinsic influences are the very foundation of advantageous citizenship, and any factor contributing to the establishment of homes and the fostering of home life doubtless tends to the enhancement not only of community life but of the life of the nation as a whole....

It is needless to further resolve and enumerate everyone of the factors which get a unique family home more desirable for the promotion and perpetuation of family life than an apartment, hotel, or flat. It will suffice to instruct that there is a sentiment practically universal, that this is so.

But often, that idealized model of California homeownership was a privilege reserved primarily for white people, relish that pioneer couple in the mural presiding over the Sacramento hearing room. The millions of Californians who arrived after the post-war structure boom ended establish rising costs and narrowing opportunities. SB 50 would attempt to start pulling up these legacies, at least at one insidious root. (It does not address, for example, the effects of wage inequality.)

The bill faces long odds. Its next senate committee hearing will be led by a legislator who opposes it, rather than Wiener himself. "We're not guaranteed to pass it," Wiener told Palo Alto Weekly. "We're working difficult to build uphold and build momentum for it. But they hold a shot."

But supporters might assume heart that not every resident in places relish Beverly Hills or Cupertino agrees with their elected officials. Evan Goldin, a Palo Alto indigenous in his early 30s, told the Weekly that he's been frustrated by the rhetoric of his mayor and neighbors who don't appear to want to get artery for new faces.

"That makes me quite sad, as someone who grew up here and silent lives here and wants to hold sturdy bonds to the community," Goldin said. "I want my friends to be able to afford to live here. I want my teachers and janitors and baristas to afford a desultory to live where they work. The world will be OK if a few more families live on your block."

This chronicle originally appeared on CityLab, an editorial partner site. Subscribe to CityLab's newsletters and supervene CityLab on Facebook and Twitter.

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